Posts filed under Politics (151)

August 31, 2015

Gender gap

As I’ve noted in the past, one of the big components of the remaining gender pay gap is lower pay for jobs that attract more women. I thought this was an issue where direct action would be infeasible. Maybe not.

Two New Zealand groups are now trying to target this, as described by Kirsty Johnson and Nicholas Jones in the Herald. When trying legal action, midwives and education support workers have the advantage that their wages are set by the government.

Having set wages for a large group gives the case someone to target, and it also weakens the counterargument based on individual differences. I don’t know whether this sort of claim is likely to succeed under NZ law, or what the impact would be if it did. I don’t even known whether success is desirable. But it’s an interesting approach to a real problem.

August 17, 2015

More diversity pie-charts

These ones are from the Seattle Times, since that’s where I was last week.

IMAG0103

Amazon.com, like many other tech companies, had been persuaded to release figures on gender and ethnicity for its employees. On the original figures, Amazon looked  different from the other companies, but Amazon is unusual in being a shipping-things-around company as well as a tech company. Recently, they released separate figures for the ‘labourers and helpers’ vs the technical and managerial staff.  The pie chart shows how the breakdown makes a difference.

In contrast to Kirsty Johnson’s pie charts last week, where subtlety would have been wasted  given the data and the point she was making, here I think it’s more useful to have the context of the other companies and something that’s better numerically than a pie chart.

This is what the original figures looked like:

amazon-1

Here’s the same thing with the breakdown of Amazon employees into two groups:

amazon-2

When you compare the tech-company half of Amazon to other large tech companies, it blends in smoothly.

As a final point, “diversity” is really the wrong word here. The racial/ethnic diversity of the tech companies is pretty close to that of the US labour force, if you measure in any of the standard ways used in ecology or data mining, such as entropy or Simpson’s index.   The issue isn’t diversity but equal opportunity; the campaigners, led by Jesse Jackson, are clear on this point, but the tech companies and often the media prefer to talk about diversity.

 

August 5, 2015

What’s in a browser language default?

Ok, so this is from Saturday and I hadn’t seen it until this morning, so perhaps it should just be left in obscurity, but:

Claims foreign buyers are increasingly snapping up Auckland houses have been further debunked, with data indicating only a fraction of visitors to a popular real estate website are Asian.

Figures released by website realestate.co.nz reveal about five per cent of all online traffic viewing Auckland property between January and April were primary speakers of an East Asian language.

Of that five per cent, only 2.8 per cent originated from outside New Zealand meaning almost half were viewing from within the country.

The problem with Labour’s analysis was that it conflated “Chinese ethnicity” and “foreign”, but at least everyone on the list had actually bought a house in Auckland, and they captured about half the purchases over a defined time period. It couldn’t say much about “foreign”, but it was at least fairly reliable on “Chinese ethnicity” and “real-estate buyer”.

This new “debunking” uses data from a real-estate website. There is no information given either about what fraction of house buyers in Auckland used the website, or about what fraction of people who used the website ended up buying a house rather than just browsing, (or about how many people have their browser’s language preferences set up correctly, since that’s what was actually measured).  Even if realestate.co.nz captured the majority of NZ real-estate buyers, it would hardly be surprising if overseas investors who primarily prefer to use non-English websites used something different.  What’s worse, if you read carefully, is they say “online traffic”: these aren’t even counts of actual people.

So far, the follow-up data sets have been even worse than Labour’s original effort. Learning more would require knowing actual residence for actual buyers of actual Auckland houses: either a large fraction over some time period or a representative sample.  Otherwise, if you have a dataset lying around that could be analysed to say something vaguely connected to the number of overseas Chinese real-estate buyers in Auckland, you might consider keeping it to yourself.

August 1, 2015

NZ electoral demographics

Two more visualisations:

Kieran Healy has graphs of the male:female ratio by age for each electorate. Here are the four with the highest female proportion,  rather dramatically starting in the late teen years.

healy-electorates

 

Andrew Chen has a lovely interactive scatterplot of vote for each party against demographic characteristics. For example (via Harkanwal Singh),  number of votes for NZ First vs median age

CLSSKS8UMAETS7_

 

July 15, 2015

Bogus poll story, again

From the Herald

[Juwai.com] has surveyed its users and found 36 per cent of people spoken to bought property in New Zealand for investment.

34 per cent bought for immigration, 18 per cent for education and 7 per cent lifestyle – a total of 59 per cent.

There’s no methodology listed, and this is really unlikely to be anything other than a convenience sample, not representative even of users of this one particular website.

As a summary of foreign real-estate investment in Auckland, these numbers are more bogus than the original leak, though at least without the toxic rhetoric.

July 11, 2015

What’s in a name?

The Herald was, unsurprisingly, unable to resist the temptation of leaked data on house purchases in Auckland.  The basic points are:

  • Data on the names of buyers for one agency, representing 45% fo the market, for three months
  • Based on the names, an estimate that nearly 40% of the buyers were of Chinese ethnicity
  • This is more than the proportion of people of Chinese ethnicity in Auckland
  • Oh Noes! Foreign speculators! (or Oh Noes! Foreign investors!)

So, how much of this is supported by the various data?

First, the surnames.  This should be accurate for overall proportions of Chinese vs non-Chinese ethnicity if it was done carefully. The vast majority of people called, say, “Smith” will not be Chinese; the vast majority of people called, say, “Xu” will be Chinese; people called “Lee” will split in some fairly predictable proportion.  The same is probably true for, say, South Asian names, but Māori vs non-Māori would be less reliable.

So, we have fairly good evidence that people of Chinese ancestry are over-represented as buyers from this particular agency, compared to the Auckland population.

Second: the representativeness of the agency. It would not be at all surprising if migrants, especially those whose first language isn’t English, used real estate agents more than people born in NZ. It also wouldn’t be surprising if they were more likely to use some agencies than others. However, the claim is that these data represent 45% of home sales. If that’s true, people with Chinese names are over-represented compared to the Auckland population no matter how unrepresentative this agency is. Even if every Chinese buyer used this agency, the proportion among all buyers would still be more than 20%.

So, there is fairly good evidence that people of Chinese ethnicity are buying houses in Auckland at a higher rate than their proportion of the population.

The Labour claim extends this by saying that many of the buyers must be foreign. The data say nothing one way or the other about this, and it’s not obvious that it’s true. More precisely, since the existence of foreign investors is not really in doubt, it’s not obvious how far it’s true. The simple numbers don’t imply much, because relatively few people are housing buyers: for example, house buyers named “Wang” in the data set are less than 4% of Auckland residents named “Wang.” There are at least three other competing explanations, and probably more.

First, recent migrants are more likely to buy houses. I bought a house three years ago. I hadn’t previously bought one in Auckland. I bought it because I had moved to Auckland and I wanted somewhere to live. Consistent with this explanation, people with Korean and Indian names, while not over-represented to the same extent are also more likely to be buying than selling houses, by about the same ratio as Chinese.

Second, it could be that (some subset of) Chinese New Zealanders prefer real estate as an investment to, say, stocks (to an even greater extent than Aucklanders in general).  Third, it could easily be that (some subset of) Chinese New Zealanders have a higher savings rate than other New Zealanders, and so have more money to invest in houses.

Personally, I’d guess that all these explanations are true: that Chinese New Zealanders (on average) buy both homes and investment properties more than other New Zealanders, and that there are foreign property investors of Chinese ethnicity. But that’s a guess: these data don’t tell us — as the Herald explicitly points out.

One of the repeated points I  make on StatsChat is that you need to distinguish between what you measured and what you wanted to measure.  Using ‘Chinese’ as a surrogate for ‘foreign’ will capture many New Zealanders and miss out on many foreigners.

The misclassifications aren’t just unavoidable bad luck, either. If you have a measure of ‘foreign real estate ownership’ that includes my next-door neighbours and excludes James Cameron, you’re doing it wrong, and in a way that has a long and reprehensible political history.

But on top of that, if there is substantial foreign investment and if it is driving up prices, that’s only because of the artificial restrictions on the supply of Auckland houses. If Auckland could get its consent and zoning right, so that more money meant more homes, foreign investment wouldn’t be a problem for people trying to find somewhere to live. That’s a real problem, and it’s one that lies within the power of governments to solve.

June 23, 2015

Refugee numbers

Brent Edwards on Radio NZ’s Checkpoint has done a good job of fact-checking claims about refugee numbers in New Zealand.  Amnesty NZ tweeted this summary table

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If you want the original sources for the numbers, the Immigration Department Refugee Statistics page is here (and Google finds it easily).

The ‘Asylum’ numbers are in the Refugee and Protection Status Statistics Pack, the “Approved” column of the first table. The ‘Family reunification’ numbers are in the Refugee Family Support Category Statistics Pack in the ‘Residence Visas Granted’ section of the first table. The ‘Quota’ numbers are in the Refugee Quota Settlement Statistics Pack, in the right-hand margin of the first table.

Update: @DoingOurBitNZ pointed me to the appeals process, which admits about 50 more refugees per year: 53 in 2013/4; 57 in 2012/3; 63 in 2011/2; 27 in 2010/11.

 

May 22, 2015

Budget viz

Aaron Schiff has collected visualisations of the overall NZ 2015 budget

A useful one that no-one’s done yet would be something showing how the $25 benefit increase works out with other benefits being considered as income — either in terms of the distribution of net benefit increases or in terms of effective marginal tax rate.

May 21, 2015

Fake data in important political-science experiment

Last year, a research paper came out in Science demonstrating an astonishingly successful strategy for gaining support for marriage equality: a short, face-to-face personal conversation with a gay person affected by the issue. As the abstract of the paper said

Can a single conversation change minds on divisive social issues, such as same-sex marriage? A randomized placebo-controlled trial assessed whether gay (n = 22) or straight (n = 19) messengers were effective at encouraging voters (n = 972) to support same-sex marriage and whether attitude change persisted and spread to others in voters’ social networks. The results, measured by an unrelated panel survey, show that both gay and straight canvassers produced large effects initially, but only gay canvassers’ effects persisted in 3-week, 6-week, and 9-month follow-ups. We also find strong evidence of within-household transmission of opinion change, but only in the wake of conversations with gay canvassers. Contact with gay canvassers further caused substantial change in the ratings of gay men and lesbians more generally. These large, persistent, and contagious effects were confirmed by a follow-up experiment. Contact with minorities coupled with discussion of issues pertinent to them is capable of producing a cascade of opinion change.

Today, the research paper is going away again. It looks as though the study wasn’t actually done. The conversations were done: the radio program “This American Life” gave a moving report on them. The survey of the effect, apparently not so much. The firm who were supposed to have done the survey deny it, the organisations supposed to have funded it deny it, the raw data were ‘accidentally deleted’.

This was all brought to light by a group of graduate students who wanted to do a similar experiment themselves. When they looked at the reported data, it looked strange in a lot of ways (PDF). It was of better quality than you’d expect: good response rates, very similar measurements across two cities,  extremely good before-after consistency in the control group. Further investigation showed before-after changes fitting astonishingly well to a Normal distribution, even for an attitude measurement that started off with a huge spike at exactly 50 out of 100. They contacted the senior author on the paper, an eminent and respectable political scientist. He agreed it looked strange, and on further investigation asked for the paper to be retracted. The other author, Michael LaCour, is still denying any fraud and says he plans to present a comprehensive response.

Fake data that matters outside the world of scholarship is more familiar in medicine. A faked clinical trial by Werner Bezwoda led many women to be subjected to ineffective, extremely-high-dose chemotherapy. Scott Reuben invented all the best supporting data for a new approach to pain management; a review paper in the aftermath was titled “Perioperative analgesia: what do we still know?”  Michael LaCour’s contribution, as Kieran Healy describes, is that his approach to reducing prejudice has been used in the Ireland marriage equality campaign. Their referendum is on Friday.

April 14, 2015

Northland school lunch numbers

Last week’s Stat of the Week nomination for the Northern Advocate didn’t, we thought point out anything particularly egregious. However, it did provoke me to read the story — I’d previously only  seen the headline 22% statistic on Twitter.  The story starts

Northland is in “crisis” as 22 per cent of students from schools surveyed turn up without any or very little lunch, according to the Te Tai Tokerau Principals Association.

‘Surveyed’ is presumably a gesture in the direction of the non-response problem: it’s based on information from about 1/3 of schools, which is made clear in the story. And it’s not as if the number actually matters: the Te Tai Tokerau Principals Association basically says it would still be a crisis if the truth was three times lower (ie, if there were no cases in schools that didn’t respond), and the Government isn’t interested in the survey.

More evidence that number doesn’t matter is that no-one seems to have done simple arithmetic. Later in the story we read

The schools surveyed had a total of 7352 students. Of those, 1092 students needed extra food when they came to school, he said.

If you divide 1092 by 7352 you don’t get 22%. You get 15%.  There isn’t enough detail to be sure what happened, but a plausible explanation is that 22% is the simple average of the proportions in the schools that responded, ignoring the varying numbers of students at each school.

The other interesting aspect of this survey (again, if anyone cared) is that we know a lot about schools and so it’s possible to do a lot to reduce non-response bias.  For a start, we know the decile for every school, which you’d expect to be related to food provision and potentially to response. We know location (urban/rural, which district). We know which are State Integrated vs State schools, and which are Kaupapa Māori. We know the number of students, statistics about ethnicity. Lots of stuff.

As a simple illustration, here’s how you might use decile and district information.  In the Far North district there are (using Wikipedia because it’s easy) 72 schools.  That’s 22 in decile one, 23 in decile two, 16 in decile three, and 11 in deciles four and higher.  If you get responses from 11 of the decile-one schools and only 4 of the decile-three schools, you need to give each student in those decile-one schools a weight of 22/11=2 and each student in the decile-three schools a weight of 16/4=4. To the extent that decile predicts shortage of food you will increase the precision of your estimate, and to the extent that decile also predicts responding to the survey you will reduce the bias.

This basic approach is common in opinion polls. It’s the reason, for example, that the Green Party’s younger, mobile-phone-using support isn’t massively underestimated in election polls. In opinion polls, the main limit on this reweighting technique is the limited amount of individual information for the whole population. In surveys of schools there’s a huge amount of information available, and the limit is sample size.